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A tragedy born of military despotism and anarchy

The assassination of Benazir Bhutto heaps despair upon Pakistan. Now her party must be democratically rebuilt

Tariq Ali

Friday December 28, 2007

The Guardian

Even those of us sharply critical of Benazir Bhutto's behaviour and policies - both while she was in office and more recently - are stunned and angered by her death. Indignation and fear stalk the country once again.

An odd coexistence of military despotism and anarchy created the conditions leading to her assassination in Rawalpindi yesterday. In the past, military rule was designed to preserve order - and did so for a few years. No longer. Today it creates disorder and promotes lawlessness. How else can one explain the sacking of the chief justice and eight other judges of the country's supreme court for attempting to hold the government's intelligence agencies and the police accountable to courts of law? Their replacements lack the backbone to do anything, let alone conduct a proper inquest into the misdeeds of the agencies to uncover the truth behind the carefully organised killing of a major political leader.

How can Pakistan today be anything but a conflagration of despair? It is assumed that the killers were jihadi fanatics. This may well be true, but were they acting on their own?

Benazir, according to those close to her, had been tempted to boycott the fake elections, but she lacked the political courage to defy Washington. She had plenty of physical courage, and refused to be cowed by threats from local opponents. She had been addressing an election rally in Liaquat Bagh. This is a popular space named after the country's first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, who was killed by an assassin in 1953. The killer, Said Akbar, was immediately shot dead on the orders of a police officer involved in the plot. Not far from here, there once stood a colonial structure where nationalists were imprisoned. This was Rawalpindi jail. It was here that Benazir's father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was hanged in April 1979. The military tyrant responsible for his judicial murder made sure the site of the tragedy was destroyed as well.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's death poisoned relations between his Pakistan People's party and the army. Party activists, particularly in the province of Sind, were brutally tortured, humiliated and, sometimes, disappeared or killed.

Pakistan's turbulent history, a result of continuous military rule and unpopular global alliances, confronts the ruling elite now with serious choices. They appear to have no positive aims. The overwhelming majority of the country disapproves of the government's foreign policy. They are angered by its lack of a serious domestic policy except for further enriching a callous and greedy elite that includes a swollen, parasitic military. Now they watch helplessly as politicians are shot dead in front of them.

Benazir had survived the bomb blast yesterday but was felled by bullets fired at her car. The assassins, mindful of their failure in Karachi a month ago, had taken out a double insurance this time. They wanted her dead. It is impossible for even a rigged election to take place now. It will have to be postponed, and the military high command is no doubt contemplating another dose of army rule if the situation gets worse, which could easily happen.

What has happened is a multilayered tragedy. It's a tragedy for a country on a road to more disasters. Torrents and foaming cataracts lie ahead. And it is a personal tragedy. The house of Bhutto has lost another member. Father, two sons and now a daughter have all died unnatural deaths.

I first met Benazir at her father's house in Karachi when she was a fun-loving teenager, and later at Oxford. She was not a natural politician and had always wanted to be a diplomat, but history and personal tragedy pushed in the other direction. Her father's death transformed her. She had become a new person, determined to take on the military dictator of that time. She had moved to a tiny flat in London, where we would endlessly discuss the future of the country. She would agree that land reforms, mass education programmes, a health service and an independent foreign policy were positive constructive aims and crucial if the country was to be saved from the vultures in and out of uniform. Her constituency was the poor, and she was proud of the fact.

She changed again after becoming prime minister. In the early days, we would argue and in response to my numerous complaints - all she would say was that the world had changed. She couldn't be on the "wrong side" of history And so, like many others, she made her peace with Washington. It was this that finally led to the deal with Musharraf and her return home after more than a decade in exile. On a number of occasions she told me that she did not fear death. It was one of the dangers of playing politics in Pakistan.

It is difficult to imagine any good coming out of this tragedy, but there is one possibility. Pakistan desperately needs a political party that can speak for the social needs of a bulk of the people. The People's party founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was built by the activists of the only popular mass movement the country has known: students, peasants and workers who fought for three months in 1968-69 to topple the country's first military dictator. They saw it as their party, and that feeling persists in some parts of the country to this day, despite everything.

Benazir's horrific death should give her colleagues pause for reflection. To be dependent on a person or a family may be necessary at certain times, but it is a structural weakness, not a strength for a political organisation. The People's party needs to be refounded as a modern and democratic organisation, open to honest debate and discussion, defending social and human rights, uniting the many disparate groups and individuals in Pakistan desperate for any halfway decent alternative, and coming forward with concrete proposals to stabilise occupied and war-torn Afghanistan. This can and should be done. The Bhutto family should not be asked for any more sacrifices.

· Tariq Ali's book The Duel: Pakistan on the Flightpath of American Power is published in 2008 tariq.ali3@btinternet.com

 The Bush administration backed military dictator Musharraf to the hilt as a way of dealing with U.S. security and al-Qaida on the cheap while it poured hundreds of billions into Baghdad. George W. Bush was entirely willing to let the Pakistani judiciary, the rule of law, and any real democracy be gutted by an ambitious general. For Washington, allowing Bhutto to return to Pakistan was simply a way to shore up Musharraf's legitimacy. Now Pakistan faces new turmoil, and Bush appears to have no Plan B. Since Pakistan is a nuclear power and al-Qaida extremists still use it as a base to plot against the West, this failure is inexcusable and threatens U.S. security in a way Iraq never did.

The Pakistani military dislikes the Karzai government and sees the "Northern Alliance" that came to power with American help as overly friendly to India and Iran. It is suspected that some elements in the Pakistani army and its military intelligence branch, the Inter-Services Intelligence, are secretly stirring up Pushtun tribesmen against the Karzai regime in hopes that a government more friendly to Pakistan will come to power.

Starting in September 2006 the military even attempted a truce with the tribal leaders in hopes that they would deal with the Muslim militants themselves. That truce began to break down when the military stormed the Red Mosque in the capital, Islamabad, where Pushtun and Baluch tribesmen belonging to a neo-Deobandi cult and advocating strict puritanism had established themselves and begun acting like vigilantes. Musharraf ordered his military to close the mosque, where the cultists had stored arms, resulting in a sanguinary conflict. In the aftermath, Muslim militants in Pakistan's northeast carried out a record number of suicide bombings.

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With Bhutto gone, does Bush have a Plan B?

Bush's failed policies in Pakistan, a nuclear power that al-Qaida still uses to plot against the West, threatens U.S. security more than Iraq ever did.

By Juan Cole

Dec. 27, 2007 | The assassination of Benazir Bhutto on Thursday provoked rioting in Islamabad and Karachi, with her supporters blaming President Pervez Musharraf, while he pointed his finger at Muslim extremists. The renewed instability in Pakistan came as a grim reminder that the Bush administration has been pursuing a two-front war, neither of which has been going well. Bush's decision to put hundreds of billions of dollars into an Iraq imbroglio while slighting the effort to fight al-Qaida, rebuild Afghanistan, and move Pakistan toward democracy and a rule of law has been shown up as a desperate and unsuccessful gamble. The question is whether President Musharraf now most resembles the shah of Iran in 1978. That is, has his authority among the people collapsed irretrievably?

The Bush administration backed military dictator Musharraf to the hilt as a way of dealing with U.S. security and al-Qaida on the cheap while it poured hundreds of billions into Baghdad. George W. Bush was entirely willing to let the Pakistani judiciary, the rule of law, and any real democracy be gutted by an ambitious general. For Washington, allowing Bhutto to return to Pakistan was simply a way to shore up Musharraf's legitimacy. Now Pakistan faces new turmoil, and Bush appears to have no Plan B. Since Pakistan is a nuclear power and al-Qaida extremists still use it as a base to plot against the West, this failure is inexcusable and threatens U.S. security in a way Iraq never did.

Bhutto, the leader of the Pakistan People's Party, was leaning out of the sunroof of a car leaving a political rally on Thursday evening in Rawalpindi near the capital, Islamabad, when an armed assailant dressed as a policeman approached, shot her twice, and then detonated a belt bomb, killing her and some 22 other persons. When Bhutto's death was announced, rioting broke out in Rawalpindi and her home base, the southern port city of Karachi. Many of her supporters blamed Musharraf, who, though he recently resigned from the military, came to power in a 1999 military coup and has ruled as a military dictator. The house of a senior politician from the Pakistan Muslim League (Qaid-i Azam), Musharraf's party, was burned down by an angry mob. It is clear that many in the Pakistan People's Party blame Musharraf and his supporters for Bhutto's death, whether fairly or unfairly. If this sentiment becomes widespread, it is hard to see how Musharraf can survive.

The Pakistan People's Party was expected to do well in the scheduled Jan. 8 parliamentary elections, which the Bush administration had hoped would begin a transition away from military rule. The PPP, which has an impressive grass-roots organization that has proved it can get out the vote in election after election, has been important in Pakistani politics since the 1970s. It has been in power at the federal level during 11 of the past 36 years and has particular strength in the Punjab, Pakistan's wealthiest and most populous province. The party will hold a convention to formally elect a successor to Bhutto, but whether parliamentary elections can still be held on Jan. 8 has been cast into doubt. Bhutto's rival, Nawaz Sharif, who heads the right-of-center Muslim League, announced that his party would boycott the elections to protest the failure of the Pakistani military to give Bhutto better security.

Bhutto's assassination was a profound blow to Bush administration policy in South Asia. Washington looked the other way when Musharraf had himself elected "president" in a referendum in spring of 2002, wherein he had no competition. It accepted Musharraf's interference in the fall 2002 elections, which was aimed at handicapping the two major parties, the Pakistan People's Party and the Muslim League. All Musharraf managed to do was to throw the key northwest frontier province and Baluchistan into the hands of the Muslim fundamentalist parties, which had never before done so well in those regions, but which were left without much competition when their rivals were hobbled by the military. These Muslim fundamentalist local governments in turn ran interference for Muslim radicals, denying that there was any such thing as al-Qaida.

The combination of political ineptitude whereby Musharraf helped put the fundamentalists in power in the Pushtun regions of Pakistan and the heavy-handedness of his military interventions in the fiercely independent tribal north, helped set the stage for the greater political violence. The government's neglect of the hardscrabble farming regions of the north also fueled discontent.

At the same time it was coddling the dictator, the United States has been attempting to do nation building in Afghanistan and to strengthen the government of Hamid Karzai, while trying to face down a resurgent Pushtun insurgency in the south of that country. In the frontier badlands of the tribal areas straddling Afghanistan and Pakistan, remnants of the Taliban and the "Arab Afghans" of al-Qaida have been hiding out and regrouping. There is some evidence that they continue to have contacts with, and even to train, Muslim militants based in Europe. The Pakistani military dislikes the Karzai government and sees the "Northern Alliance" that came to power with American help as overly friendly to India and Iran. It is suspected that some elements in the Pakistani army and its military intelligence branch, the Inter-Services Intelligence, are secretly stirring up Pushtun tribesmen against the Karzai regime in hopes that a government more friendly to Pakistan will come to power.

Paradoxically, the Pakistani military has cracked down hard on Taliban-like groups inside Pakistan itself. Troops have fought several major engagements in the rugged tribal territories of the north, and over time have captured some 700 al-Qaida operatives. But the fiercely independent tribespeople of Waziristan and its neighboring areas have fought back. Starting in September 2006 the military even attempted a truce with the tribal leaders in hopes that they would deal with the Muslim militants themselves. That truce began to break down when the military stormed the Red Mosque in the capital, Islamabad, where Pushtun and Baluch tribesmen belonging to a neo-Deobandi cult and advocating strict puritanism had established themselves and begun acting like vigilantes. Musharraf ordered his military to close the mosque, where the cultists had stored arms, resulting in a sanguinary conflict. In the aftermath, Muslim militants in Pakistan's northeast carried out a record number of suicide bombings.

If he faced a rural crisis deriving from the fundamentalism of neglected northern farming communities, Musharraf faced an urban crisis as well. Pakistan's good economic growth for the past six years has helped create a new middle class, numbering in the tens of millions, who are educated and connected to the world by cable television and the Internet. They depend on the rule of law to pursue their white-collar occupations, and when Musharraf attempted to fire the chief justice of the Supreme Court, the urban middle classes staged large rallies and resisted the packing of the courts. They won the first round when Musharraf, weakened by the Red Mosque fiasco, was forced to reinstate the chief justice.

Benazir Bhutto served as prime minister twice, from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996, and was dismissed on charges of corruption both times. She has been in political exile since 1999, the year of Musharraf's military coup. After the Red Mosque debacle and his conflict with the country's Supreme Court, Musharraf was so weakened that he accepted a new American plan. It provided for Bhutto to return and contest elections, such that she would likely be the next prime minister, and for Musharraf to resign from the military and become a civilian president. This plan was in danger of being derailed when the Supreme Court seemed likely to decide that Musharraf was ineligible to serve as president, and the dictator reacted by dismissing the court, packing it with his own supporters, and declaring a state of emergency. Bhutto expressed outrage at those high-handed actions and clearly feared that they would taint her own legitimacy. Under severe American pressure, Musharraf lifted the state of emergency and agreed to new elections on Jan. 8.

Pakistan's future is now murky, and to the extent that this nation of 160 million buttresses the eastern flank of American security in the greater Middle East, its fate is profoundly intertwined with America's own. The money for the Sept. 11 attacks was wired to Florida from banks in Pakistan, and al-Qaida used the country for transit to Afghanistan. Instability in Pakistan may well spill over into Afghanistan, as well, endangering the some 26,000 U.S. troops and a similar number of NATO troops in that country. And it is not as if Afghanistan were stable to begin with. If Pakistani politics finds its footing, if a successor to Benazir Bhutto is elected in short order by the PPP and the party can remain united, and if elections are held soon, the crisis could pass. If there is substantial and ongoing turmoil, however, Muslim radicals will certainly take advantage of it.

In order to get through this crisis, Bush must insist that the Pakistani Supreme Court, summarily dismissed and placed under house arrest by Musharraf, be reinstated. The PPP must be allowed to elect a successor to Ms. Bhutto without the interference of the military. Early elections must be held, and the country must return to civilian rule. Pakistan's population is, contrary to the impression of many pundits in the United States, mostly moderate and uninterested in the Taliban form of Islam. But if the United States and "democracy" become associated in their minds with military dictatorship, arbitrary dismissal of judges, and political instability, they may turn to other kinds of politics, far less favorable to the United States. Musharraf may hope that the Pakistani military will stand with him even if the vast majority of people turn against him. It is a forlorn hope, and a dangerous one, as the shah of Iran discovered in 1978-79.

-- By Juan Cole

 

Bhutto: Who ordered her killing?

By Frank Gardner BBC Security Correspondent   Ms Bhutto made many enemies in Pakistan Who killed Benazir Bhutto? The actual assassin, when and if his identity is discovered, was doubtless someone most people will never have heard of. What matters is who sent him and why. In the fevered speculation now gripping the streets of Pakistan there are essentially two conflicting theories. The first theory, the one espoused by the Pakistani government, is that al-Qaeda or the Taleban, or even both, were the killers. Certainly the method of attack - a suicide bombing in a crowded place - is al-Qaeda's favoured modus operandi, although the assassin was taking no chances by also opening fire with a pistol just before he blew himself up. Both al-Qaeda and the Taleban had every reason to want Ms Bhutto dead. Anathema to Islamists As a secular, Western-educated, female politician with close ties to Britain and the US, she represented much that is anathema to Islamist extremists. She also publicly criticised President Musharraf for not doing enough to curb their power in Pakistan and she accused the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), Pakistan's powerful military intelligence arm, of harbouring Islamists with sympathies for al-Qaeda. Much will depend on whether Ms Bhutto's assassin was sent by someone inside or outside mainstream Pakistani society If al-Qaeda was behind this assassination its normal tactic would be to wait for a while to encourage confusion and then release a carefully prepared statement on the internet, laced with religious phraseology, praising the assassin and listing its reasons for the attack. The conflicting theory, taken up by many of Ms Bhutto's supporters, is that the government of President Musharraf is to blame. Specifically, they blame elements in the ISI who they believe felt so threatened by Ms Bhutto's potential return to power that they took drastic action. Inside or outside? Despite the passion with which some hold this conviction there is no independent evidence to support this and in the absence of a truly transparent investigation the truth may never come out. Woven into Pakistan's complex political fabric are a number of militant Islamist groups that belong to neither al-Qaeda nor the government yet have ties with one or the other, or even both. For years the ISI supported the Taleban in Afghanistan and for years it supported Kashmiri separatist militants. Gen Musharraf claims to have rid the army of its Islamist elements Although President Musharraf has gone to some lengths to convince Washington that he has purged the ISI and the military of anyone with links to terrorism, there are many who suspect some of the old ties have yet to be broken off completely. In the coming days and weeks Pakistan's internal security situation will depend in part on whether Benazir Bhutto's assassin was sent by someone inside or outside mainstream Pakistani society. If the culprits are found to be from outside, such as al-Qaeda or the Taleban leadership, then this could possibly have a unifying effect on Pakistanis, most of whom are appalled at this kind of extremist violence that has destroyed a national figure. If however the culprits represent a recognisable faction from within Pakistani society - and especially if that faction were connected to the government - then there is a risk of far greater unrest to come. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7163286.stm   Assassination Raises Fears of Renewed Turmoil in Pakistan [excerpt] www.pbs.org (News Hour with Jim Lehrer), Dec. 28, 2007 JUDY WOODRUFF: Finally tonight, the reverberations from the Bhutto assassination in Pakistan and beyond. Shahid Husain was special assistant for economic affairs to Benazir Bhutto's father, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, during the mid-1970s. And he had a 33-year career at the World Bank and is now a consultant. Shuja Nawaz is a former Pakistani journalist and official at the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. He's the author of a forthcoming book about the Pakistani military. Mr. Husain, also a native of Pakistan, you worked for Benazir Bhutto's father. What did she mean for your country? SHAHID HUSAIN, Former Pakistani Official: She was very controversial also, which means that today is probably not the day and not the time to look at her flaws and -- but she represented the contradictions of Pakistan's history. JUDY WOODRUFF: In what way? SHAHID HUSAIN: If you look at Pakistan's history of the last 60 years, it has been ruled by a small elite, an elite consisting of the feudals, the military, and municipal servants. Largely, they have disenfranchised the people of Pakistan. And it has been a very narrow elite which has ruled Pakistan, which has neglected human development, which has neglected education. After 60 years of independence, 50 percent of Pakistani adults are illiterate. JUDY WOODRUFF: Fifty percent? SHAHID HUSAIN: Fifty percent. Pakistan rates among the last seven in the index of human development of the UNDP. And Benazir Bhutto, Musharraf, and the entire leadership is responsible for it, because of the neglect of the people of Pakistan and the lack of linkage between the establishment and the masses in general. Shuja Nawaz     Author/ Journalist It's very -- extremely important that we understand that this leadership cannot deliver the freedom of Pakistan from the past. You do need a crop of people. You do need younger people, because this leadership has been tried and has failed Pakistan. JUDY WOODRUFF: Shuja Nawaz, we keep hearing there is no obvious successor to her in her political party. Who does take her place? SHUJA NAWAZ: That's the big question, because she was chairperson of the People's Party for life, and really did not allow the emergence of strong leadership underneath her. There are obviously some leaders whose names have emerged who have been mentioned. The most famous of them is Aitzaz Ahsan. Unfortunately, he is still under house arrest. JUDY WOODRUFF: I'm sorry. What is his name again? SHUJA NAWAZ: Aitzaz Ahsan... JUDY WOODRUFF: Yes. SHUJA NAWAZ: ... who's the president of the supreme court bar association and a member of her party. But he is a under house arrest. He is probably the most well known within the country and now outside the country. But he cannot operate. JUDY WOODRUFF: Well, given that, and given what we discussed earlier, Mr. Sharif saying he is not sure he is going to participate in the elections, what happens going forward, Mr. Husain? SHAHID HUSAIN: I think it will remain confused. It means that we don't expect resolution of all issues. But it's very -- extremely important that we understand that this leadership cannot deliver the freedom of Pakistan from the past. You do need a crop of people. You do need younger people, because this leadership has been tried and has failed Pakistan. The only hope we can have... JUDY WOODRUFF: You mean the Musharraf leadership? SHAHID HUSAIN: Pervez Musharraf, now, actually, Benazir Bhutto. They had their chance. Don't forget that her own government was marred by tremendous corruption. Don't forget that the Afghan rightists, the Taliban were invented by her minister of interior, by her minister of interior. JUDY WOODRUFF: Invented by her minister of... SHAHID HUSAIN: Yes, and were patronized by her. They came from madrassas in Pakistan. In fact, the movement of Taliban was started in her -- during her government, patronized by her government. So, let's not forget that while Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif talk about democracy, their own parties are undemocratic. They didn't allow new leadership too much. SHUJA NAWAZ: Well, I would have seen the elections and her participation in it not as an end, but rather as a transition, a transition both for her, and for General Musharraf himself, because it's quite clear that the forces that have now been unleashed within Pakistan of discontent, particularly amongst the lowest economic strata in the population, are not going to be resolved by this kind of a command-and-control system, under which Pakistan has been governed for so long.You need the forces of democracy to slowly take root. And, until they take root, the future of Pakistan is going to be filled with turmoil Shahid Husain: Unless both Pakistan and its partners address the fundamental issue of deprivation and lack of linkage between the state of Pakistan and the people of Pakistan, the problem will not be solved. JUDY WOODRUFF: Given all that, in the short run, and then in the longer run, what should the U.S. posture toward Pakistan be? SHAHID HUSAIN: I do not see a quick fix to Pakistan's problem. There's the long haul. And unless both Pakistan and its partners address the fundamental issue of deprivation and lack of linkage between the state of Pakistan and the people of Pakistan, the problem will not be solved. So, don't think for a minute that there is quick fix. It will remain confused. It will remain volatile. But we have got to look at the whole issue of human development in Pakistan and work for it not for years, but for decades. This is a situation that has developed for 60 years. And there is no quick fix to it. JUDY WOODRUFF: No quick fix? SHUJA NAWAZ: I agree with that. And I think, as far as the U.S. is concerned, the U.S. needs to be much more unequivocal in its support for developing systems and institutions, like the judiciary, like the media, like political parties and not... JUDY WOODRUFF: And you're saying it hasn't been that? SHUJA NAWAZ: It hasn't been that. When the crunch comes, the United States traditionally -- and history has proven this time and again -- has taken the short-term solution, supported a dictator, supported an autocrat, and not gone for the long-term system-building. __________________________________________________________________ Who Killed Benazir Bhutto? By Murtaza Shibli 28 December, 2007, Countercurrents.org The death of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto is being mourned by millions of Pakistanis. She had a profound public base despite staying out of her country for nearly a decade and dogged by corruption and nepotism charges. Her death, however, should not come as a surprise at all. For the past three decades, Pakistan has been turned into a "Jihad factory' under the guidance of the US and other Western powers. After 9/11 when Pakistan launched a war on its own people in the name of "War on terror', it was not uncanny to predict that the Jihadis who were nourished previously will turn against their old allies -- the politicians and the military and the innocent people of Pakistan will get caught and entangled as a collateral. Is Benazir Bhutto a martyr for democracy in Pakistan? Many of the Pakistani political parties are calling it a set-back for democracy which could be seriously contested, but her death is certainly a blow to the electoral exercise. The world's"greatest democrat' George Bush has claimed that Benazir laid down her life for the ideals of democracy. Benazir Bhutto was indeed a very popular woman politician of her country, but she was by no means a democrat. During her tenure as twice Prime Minister of her country, she stifled the growth of democracy and undermined the democratic institutions. She not only concentrated in herself the absolute power of the country, but also assumed the title of chairperson for life of her political party -- Pakistan People's Party (PPP). Her husband Asif Ali Zardari is generally seen as the villain who tarnished Benazir's image through corruption and violence. Zardari, a jagirdar or landlord used his traditional violent methods to subdue his opponents and used the government power of his wife to extract benefits through his various corrupt, and often violent deals. Asif Zardari had even maintained private jails where he tortured his opponents. This all happened while Benazir Bhutto's "democratically elected' government was in power. Benazir's record for corruption surpassed all the pervious governments as she amassed huge assets mostly in Dubai, the UK and other Western capitals plundering the assets of her country. Her government was involved in the massive human rights violations particularly in Karachi where the MQM militants had virtually brought the financial capital of Pakistan to a grinding halt. The reaction of the Benazir government was ruthless operations that killed thousands of innocent and unarmed civilians. Although Benazir was portrayed as the "modern and moderate' face of Pakistan who could help fighting Jihadists, the fact is conveniently buried that it was her government that helped formation of Taliban whose legacy continues to ruin Pakistan, Afghanistan and beyond. After her return from self-exile, Benazir went beyond all decency to appease the US and other Western powers. ... There is no doubt that Benazir Bhutto had many enemies. After her rhetoric against Taliban and other Islamic fundamentalists, her list of enemies grew phenomenally. Despite the "deal' between Pervez Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto, she was seen as main challenge to the current government. This is important to note that General Musharraf allowed Bhutto into Pakistan only after tremendous US pressure. When she arrived in Pakistan in October last, the millions of people who came to receive her gave sleepless nights to the government authorities. Although the Jihadists and Al-Qaeda had allegedly vowed to kill her, the current Pakistani regime headed by General Musharraf cannot be absolved and will be the greatest benefactor of her death. Another rival who may have been willing to see her dead are Chaudhry Brothers -- Chaudhry Pervez Illahi and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain of Pakistan Muslim League Q, the political partner of General Musharraf. Chaudhry Brothers have had well documented connections with the Jihadist extremists and are well known to use violence for their political goals. Even if President Musharraf's government may not be directly involved in her killing, it can not be absolved of inaction in protecting her. Despite being on the "hit list' of terrorists and extremists, Benazir was not provided ample security cover. The future of Pakistan is fraught with instability and the death of Benazir has further undermined the internal security of Pakistan. After her death, her party could win the majority of seats if the elections go ahead, but there is no single leader that could hold the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) together. Unfortunately, Benazir's legacy for her party is highly undemocratic and there is a chance that the PPP could split with many contenders and claimants for the throne. Benazir's death might act as a catalyst to unite the Pakistani nation and strengthen their resolve to fight the menace that has engulfed the country thanks to its willingness to act as proxy to the alien interests in the region... Murtaza Shibli is the editor of Kashmir Affairs, London [ www.kashmiraffairs.org] ___________________________________________________ The vacuum left by Bhutto's death, BBC News, 28 Dec. 2007 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7162426.stm Ahmed Rashid, guest columnist and writer on Pakistan, on the future of Pakistan after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. As if things could not get worse in a country that has been torn apart by political strife and Taleban extremism in recent months, Pakistan has now been plunged into unimaginable grief, anger and chaos and an uncertain political future. The killing of Benazir Bhutto will probably lead to the cancellation of national and provincial elections on 8 January. With rioting across the country, it could also lead to the imposition of extraordinary measures by the military - a state of emergency or even martial law. Ms Bhutto died just two miles from where her father, former Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was hanged by a former military dictator 30 years ago. There has been a bitter feud between the military and the Bhutto family-led Pakistan People's Party (PPP) ever since. On Thursday party stalwarts were accusing the military of perpetrating the latest murder of a Bhutto - although that is extremely unlikely.  After Benazir Bhutto no politician or party is prepared to face up to the threat posed by Islamic extremism The classic use of a sniper and a suicide bomb attack to cut her down bore all the hallmarks of an al-Qaeda trained Pakistani suicide squad. The personal tragedy for this family - Ms Bhutto's two brothers also died violently, one was poisoned, the other shot - has epitomised the footprints of Pakistan's bloody political scene since its inception in 1947. Pakistan's first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was assassinated at a political rally nearly 60 years ago at the exact spot where Bhutto died. Her death leaves the largest possible vacuum at the heart of Pakistan's shaky political system. Twice elected prime minister, twice dismissed on charges of corruption and incompetence by the military, Ms Bhutto was still a giant of a politician in a land of political pygmies and acolytes of the military. Ms Bhutto looked set to win the general elections in January. Earlier this year she and President Pervez Musharraf had been planning to work together with the army to curb the threat of extremism that Pakistan now faces. Instead the country now seems to be slipping into an abyss of violence and Islamic extremism. It was clear weeks ago that President Musharraf did not want to work with her, despite pressure from the Americans to do so. He and the army have been siding emphatically with his former allies in the Pakistan Muslim League-Q (PML-Q) and he was doing everything possible to make sure that they would win the elections. Public anger at President Musharraf stems from not just the fact that the government failed to provide adequate security for Ms Bhutto, but that the government and army were never impartial and appeared all set to try to rig the elections against her Pakistan People's Party (PPP). More critical to Pakistan's future stability is that after Ms Bhutto no significant politician or party looks prepared to face up to the threat posed by Islamist extremism and the Pakistani Taleban who today are the main threat to the state. In recent weeks she had confronted the Taleban extremists head on. In a country where the only recent political advances have been made by the Pakistani Taleban, who have seized large chunks of territory, such a role was an immensely brave and necessary one. Moreover, Ms Bhutto had the political base to conduct a war against extremists. She commanded the diehard loyalty of at least one third of the electorate, who were vehemently against army rule and the Islamist extremists. The PPP is the closest the Islamic Republic of Pakistan has ever got to espousing a secular, democratic political culture. President Musharraf may simply not survive the fallout of Ms Bhutto's death. His crackdown last month on Pakistan's fledgling civil society was unacceptable to large parts of the population who saw lawyers, journalists and women being hauled off to jail. No Islamist fundamentalists were rounded up when he declared a state of emergency on 3 November. In the present state of grief and shock, it is unlikely that other opposition leaders will want President Musharraf to stay on in office. If the rioting and political mayhem worsens, if the opposition refuses to co-operate with him and the international community finally begins to distance itself from him, then the army may be forced to tell President Musharraf to call it a day. Should that happen it is imperative that world leaders insist upon a return to civilian rule and elections and not another military dictatorship. ........................................ Ahmed Rashid is a Pakistani journalist based in Lahore. He is the author of three books including Taliban and, most recently, Jihad. He has covered Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia for the past 25 years.   Benazir Bhutto Expert Q&As  |   Photos  |  Videos  |   Opinions  |  More >   Bhutto Assassination Sparks Chaos Former Premier, Hit by Gunfire After Rally, Was a Key to Pakistan's Struggle for Democracy Gallery Pakistani Leader Killed at Rally Twelve days before Pakistanis are set to vote in national parliamentary elections, Benazir Bhutto, the former prime minister and first woman to be elected to lead a Muslim state in the post-colonial era, was killed during a political rally. » LAUNCH PHOTO GALLERY  COMMENT washingtonpost.com readers have posted 634 comments about this item. View All Comments »   POST A COMMENT You must be logged in to leave a comment. Log in | Register  Why Do I Have to Log In Again? Log In Again? CLOSE We've made some updates to washingtonpost.com's Groups, MyPost and comment pages. We need you to verify your MyPost ID by logging in before you can post to the new pages. 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Who's Blogging » Links to this article By Griff Witte Washington Post Foreign Service Friday, December 28, 2007; Page A01   RAWALPINDI, Pakistan, Dec. 27 -- Benazir Bhutto, for decades the central figure in a tortured struggle to bring democratic rule to Pakistan, was assassinated Thursday afternoon as she waved to supporters after a political rally, plunging the country into new turmoil just days before scheduled elections. This Story Bhutto Assassination Sparks Chaos Obituaries: A Life Reflecting Her Country's Contradictions The Traditional Rebel U.S. Brokered Bhutto's Return to Pakistan Post's Witte on Bhutto Assassination Benazir Bhutto, 1953-2007 Photos: Pakistani Leader Killed in Violent Rally Friday, Dec. 28, Noon ET: Bhutto Assassination: Funeral and Prognosis for Pakistan Full Coverage Video Coverage Area Pakistanis Beset by Grief, Apprehension Many Had the Desire, Means to Kill Bhutto Bhutto Death Puts a Spotlight on War in Afghanistan Bush Condemns Bhutto Assassination Profound Sadness, Mixed With Fury Another in the Long Volley of Shots Heard 'Round the World Clinton, Obama Seize on Killing Timeline View All Items in This Story View Only Top Items in This Story The death of the former prime minister creates a massive political void in this nuclear-armed nation of 165 million people and opens the door to potentially greater violence in a year of almost nonstop tumult here. It leaves in tatters Washington's strategy of fighting extremism by pairing Bhutto with President Pervez Musharraf, a close U.S. ally who has been under siege in the streets for months. Around the world Thursday, government leaders pleaded with Bhutto's countrymen to remain calm. In Texas, President Bush urged the Pakistani people "to honor Benazir Bhutto's memory by continuing with the democratic process for which she so bravely gave her life." There was no immediate assertion of responsibility for the killing. Musharraf, who addressed the nation on television, condemned the assassination and blamed Islamic extremists. He declared three days of national mourning. But Bhutto's supporters pinned responsibility on allies of Musharraf, the former chief of the army. Partisans of the slain leader rioted in cities and towns across the country, burning police cars, looting shops and firing guns. Thursday night, grieving supporters carried Bhutto's body in a plain wooden coffin from the hospital where she had been declared dead. Her body was taken to an airport and was being flown to her family's ancestral home in the Larkana district of southern Pakistan for burial at an as-yet-unannounced time. Musharraf was closeted with advisers late Thursday, debating strategy. It was unclear whether the Jan. 8 parliamentary elections for which Bhutto was campaigning when she was killed would proceed; at least one major party vowed to boycott the vote. "If there's a lot more violence, then it's possible the whole democratic process will be derailed," political analyst Hasan-Askari Rizvi said. Other observers saw glimmers of conciliation. "This can turn into anarchy," said Talat Masood, a retired general and political analyst. "Or it can turn into something Benazir Bhutto could not achieve in life but may achieve in death. It could provide the momentum needed for a return to the rule of law and democracy. It could go either way." Bhutto, 54, led one of Pakistan's most important political families. She had many fans but also persistent critics who accused her of corruption and derided her position in her party: chairperson for life.   She narrowly survived a similar assassination attempt just two months ago, when attackers killed more than 140 people in coordinated blasts targeting a homecoming procession shortly after she returned from eight years of exile. Since then, she had been campaigning across the country, hoping to win for a third time the job of prime minister, saying all the while that she knew she was likely to be attacked again. Thursday's strike came at dusk, in a public park where another Pakistani prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was assassinated in 1951. A few miles away is the site of the prison, now demolished, where Bhutto's father, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was confined. He was president from 1971 to 1973 and then prime minister until 1977, when he was hanged by the military-led government that deposed him. Benazir Bhutto, wearing a white head scarf, addressed a rally in the park, then got into her bulletproof sport-utility vehicle. She was being driven out of the park when she asked that the vehicle's sunroof be opened so she could bid thousands of supporters farewell, according to witnesses and several aides, including one who had been sitting next to her.   CONTINUED     1    2    3     Next > www.washingtonpost.com    And two readers' opinions of interest: The Prime Minister of Pakistan does not have significant power. It is the military officers who have several homes and several Mercedes. The military budget is not even known to the Prime Minister nor does the Prime Minister exercise more than limited control over the military. It was the military, under Musharraf who supported and created the rise of the Taliban, and both he as well as the ISI has worked closely with Al Qaeda. (Both AQ Khan and bin Laden jointly owned the pharmaceutical plant in Sudan the was destroyed by cruise missiles, as well as a hotel in Timbuktu). Further, the military diverted money, during the Reagan administration to the military and to AQ Khan in order to create several nuclear weapons and to modify F 16's jets to enable them to carry nuclear bombs. They use US money to buy missiles from North Korea and the Chinese. Both the military and Khan then sold nuclear weapon designs and actual  hardware in order to finance the military  which was run independently of the government and the Prime Minister's office,   Further, the Reagan administration continually lied to congress and continually certified Pakistan as being in compliance with the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty, when they knew quite well they were not, in order to keep the money flowing to the anti=Soviet rebels in Afghanistan even though the money never got there as it was diverted to the nuclear weapons program.   The Reagan administration must bear much of the responsibility for much of the uncertainly that now exists because of Pakistans nuclear weapons and the potential of Pakistan to decay into chaos.   Wm     (Responding to criticism)   ... Today she is dead...mute.. I happen to find this kind of criticism of her life political or otherwise..mute.  She was a sister in Islam,a member of the umma, and a brave woman.    This is time for Azza.. mourning ...for in the end she is just as every other Muslim. The words that matter are these I wrote.. Allah Yahimro. She will answer to Allah. He is the judge in this matter. At the very least we should mourn for her brutal assassination and pray for her and her family , and the people of Pakistan. And pray for ourselves.     The point is she is dead ,  and no matter how corrupt she might have been ( she was never convicted on those charges) and even if ... where is your humanity and your compassion?  God Forgive her! But she did not commit suicide,, she was brutally murdered for her convictions. we don't ha to agree with them,,, but it is a mighty person who can stand up , with the full knowledge of the risk for her life.. and speak and lead. As I said Despite the Mullahs and extremists who cannot stand to see a Muslim Female Leader.    These fools even keep women out of the masjids.   She is dead , and I don't need to criticize her life, now... now I simply have to honor the sunnah and wisely pray for her mercy in jeenah.. and for the children and  family at  time of terrible grief. Once again her personality was not her politics.. she was a woman and a politician. we have much time  to review her politics.. but for now, its is obligatory to wish her an easy passage as she meets her maker. May her journey be easy and I do hope that despite her faults that Muslim women do find in her a role model,, and learn that no man can keep them down, and should aspire to greatness.   Rima

http://www.counterpunch.org/shibli12272007.html

Benazir's Last Interview: She names "the man who killed Osama bin Laden" http://www.brasschecktv.com/page/242.html

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Was the Bush Administration Behind Benazir Bhutto Assassination? by Mitch Battros - Earth Changes Media newsletter @ earthchangesmedia.com

It is being mentioned in high circles that US President George Bush

was receiving heat for spending billions of dollars on propping the

puppets of the Musharraf regime. It is believed that somewhere along

the way Musharraf didn't want to continue this game of charades and

was leaning more towards the care and needs of his people (in

Pakistan) than to navigate the desires of the Bush regime.

It has been rumored that behind the scenes, Benazir Bhutto and Pervez

Musharraf had come to some agreement to take back the sovereignty of

Pakistan. Of course this action is the last thing the Bush regime

would want, because it would usher in independence and promulgate a

peace movement of the overwhelming percentage of Pakistanis who

support an independent nation. It is said that if an agreement was to

ensue between Bhutto and Musharraf, a natural wage (or surge) would

quell anti-Pakistan sentiments brought forth by al-Qaeda types.

It is suggested the last thing the Bush regime would want is a stable

independent Pakistan. No conflict - no war - no defense contract - no

money.

Actually we have seen this very same scenario played-out with every

dictator put in place by the US government. In fact, George Bush (41)

was caught in this same situation with Manuel Noriega Presidential

dictator of Panama from 1983 to 1989.

Noriega was put in power by the Bush regime (41), then Noriega just as

Musharraf, decided he didn't want to play this game anymore, and

wanted to return sovereignty back to the people of Panama. "Operation

Just Cause" was the U.S. military invasion of Panama that deposed

General Manuel Noriega in December 1989. General Manuel Noriega was at

one time a U.S. ally, who was increasingly using Panama to facilitate

drug trafficking for the CIA, from South America to the United States.

In the 1980s, Dictator Manuel Noriega was one of the most recognizable

names in the United States, being constantly covered by the press.

Another puppet of the US installed puppeteer school was Saddam

Hussein, again placed by the CIA and worked closely with George Bush

(41). While many have thought that Saddam first became involved with

U.S. intelligence agencies at the start of the September 1980

Iran-Iraq war, his first contacts with U.S. officials date back to

1959, when he was part of a CIA-authorized six-man squad tasked with

assassinating then Iraqi Prime Minister Gen. Abd al-Karim Qasim.

Just as with Noriega -- Hussein, although a brutal dictator, also

decided he no longer wanted to play the game doing the bidding as

another US stooge.

Then there was the 2004 Bush (43) regime and his US led coup against

President Jean-Bertrand Aristide of HAITI. Here even CNN discloses the

shear veil outing a US led coup orchestrated by the Bush regime.

"I was told that to avoid bloodshed I'd better leave," Aristide said

in an interview on CNN. Earlier, the Bush administration vigorously

denied that Aristide was kidnapped by U.S. troops, which is what two

U.S. members of Congress said the deposed Haitian president told them

in telephone calls.

But Rep. Charles Rangel, D-New York, and Rep. Maxine Waters,

D-California, said Aristide told them a very different story. Waters

said Mildred Aristide, the ex-president' s wife, called the

congresswoman at her home at 6:30 a.m. (9:30 a.m. ET) Monday, and told

her "the coup d'etat has been completed," and then handed the phone to

her husband.

Waters said that Aristide told her the chief of staff of the U.S.

Embassy in Haiti came to his home, told him that he would be killed

"and a lot of Haitians would be killed" if he did not leave and said

he "has to go now." CNN Report Here: and Democracy Now Interview Here:

Haitian President Aristide was fighting for the rights of the Haitian

people and against slave labor supported by the Bush regime. It seems

companies such as Wal-Mart, Disney, Sears, Kmart, and J.C. Penney

lobbied the Bush regime to maintain their 8 cents per hour wages. This

was being threatened by a determined advocate for the Haitian people

and of course big business just won't stand for that. NY Times

Report Here:

It would appear Aristide, who was originally set up by the US

government, realized he was propped as a stooge for corporate greed,

and fought back. That's when the CIA, and later US military was called

in to snuff him out. Also see: The U.S.-Haiti Connection

Bush - CIA - Bhutto - Musharraf

Are you ready to 'follow-the- bouncing- ball'? Are we not seeing the

same thread weaved through Iraq, Panama, Haiti, and now Pakistan. Was

the Bush regime behind the assassination of an independent thinker

with vision and a passion to return power back to the people of

Pakistan? Was this a warning to Musharraf to "play ball" or you're

next? Did India have to sign-off on this for it to play? Like all the

others, we will probably never know.

I guess George bubba Bush (43) said it best ---- " you are either with

me, or you are with the terrorists. Now what's it going to be? "

But not all countries have fallen to US manipulation driven by

self-seeking greedy corporations. Although the odds are certainly

against them, but we can now understand why America's own citizens

might have a silent cheer when the bully on the block gets kicked in

the nuts by a much smaller but defiant underdog.

Some high placed sources have hinted something to the effect of: "This

should get the attention of Musharraf for not following our plan after

funding him over $10 billion dollars." In fact, here is a quote from

an AP article: 'Benazir Bhutto's assassination in Pakistan is likely

to prompt calls for a close review of U.S. policy toward a country

crucial to regional stability and the war on terrorism. Such a review

is overdue, considering the minimal results from the $10 billion in

U.S. aid funneled to President Pervez Musharraf's government since 2001.'

And what does bubba Bush have to say?: President Bush blames

"murderous extremists" for the attack. (AP) Okay, I think we get the

picture now-----

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An Unlikely Visitor Gives Musharraf Support 

By Marc Perelman

Wed. Nov 21, 2007

The Forward

forward.com

A few days before Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte traveled

to Islamabad last week to impress upon General Pervez Musharraf the

need to restore democratic rule in Pakistan, another American envoy

quietly landed in the capital to chat with the Pakistani president and

army chief.

With the blessing of Washington, Jack Rosen, chairman of the American

Jewish Congress's Council for World Jewry, traveled halfway across the

globe for a face-to-face meeting with Musharraf, who he had hailed two

years ago as a courageous leader and driving force in Jewish-Muslim

dialogue.

In recent weeks Musharraf has been roundly criticized for declaring

emergency rule and cracking down on his opposition, in particular the

judiciary. The de facto declaration of martial law has been widely

viewed as an effort to preempt a ruling from the Supreme Court that

would have invalidated Musharraf's reelection as president last month.

The Bush administration has been scrambling to flesh out a policy on

the newly unstable Pakistan, and has reiterated its support for a key

ally in the war on terrorism while urging Musharraf to hold free and

fair elections in January. The Pakistani president has indicated that

he is ready to proceed with elections, but has so far refused to

provide a date for ending the state of emergency he decreed on November 3.

While nearly all major Jewish groups have altogether avoided the issue

of Pakistan, Rosen has offered outspoken support for the country's

embattled president.

"The real choice we face is not between Musharraf and a return to an

effective democratic system, but between Musharraf and the possible

collapse of Pakistan," Rosen wrote in a letter to the editor appearing

in this week's Forward.

Rosen made the trip to Islamabad after consulting with the State

Department and key members of Congress. In addition to Musharraf, he

met with General Ashfaq Kiyani, the deputy chief of staff who is

expected to take over for Musharraf as head of the army, as well as

ministers and intelligence officials. In his letter to the Forward, he

said he also met with opposition leaders. Rosen declined further comment.

Such unofficial diplomacy is what Rosen envisioned when he set up the

Council for World Jewry a few years ago in an effort to revive the

AJCongress and steer it away from its traditional focus on domestic

issues. The Council of World Jewry has made efforts to reach out to

Jewish groups in France and Russia, but to date its signature

achievement has been Musharraf's appearance at an AJCongress dinner in

2005, the first address made by a Pakistani leader before a Jewish

group. At the dinner, Musharraf vowed to improve Muslim-Jewish ties,

including relations between Israel and Pakistan, and said he was

committed to combating extremist groups.

His determination to take on Islamist networks operating out of

Pakistan's lawless regions bordering Afghanistan, as well as his

survival of several assassinations attempts, have earned him the

support of the Bush administration since the September 11 attacks.

More recently, as he has scaled back efforts to take on radical

elements in the lawless border regions, even reaching truce agreements

with some of them, his standing in Washington has eroded.

Already criticized in liberal circles for seizing power in a bloodless

coup in 1999, the recent declaration of emergency has earned Musharraf

harsh rebukes from a number of human rights groups. His crackdown on

the country's judiciary, which he has described as a necessary step in

combating extremism, drew particularly pointed criticism.

"The suppression of [the Pakistani judiciary] by this emergency

imposition of martial law is a calamity for Pakistan and the cause of

freedom," said a statment issued by the American Jewish Committee's

Jacob Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights. "We salute the

judges and lawyers of Pakistan for their heroism in the face of peril,

and we are confident that in time the rule of law, which is

indispensable to the realization of human dignity, will once again

prevail over tyranny."

Musharraf's crackdown against the judiciary also prompted a swift

condemnation from the American Association of Jewish Lawyers and

Jurists. The "unlawful arrest and detention, unwarranted removal from

office and physical intimidation and violence directed against lawyers

and jurists, constitute an almost unprecedented assault on the rule of

law, the foundation of any civilized nation," the association's

president, Stephen Greenwald, said in a statement.

Greenwald told the Forward that he saw Rosen's entreaties as valuable,

so long as they conveyed that the return to democratic rule was a

priority.

Rosen did stress in his letter to the editor of the Fowrard that

democracy should be the "ultimate goal" and that Musharraf understands

this. But he noted that Pakistan first had to focus on dealing with

the multiple threats it is facing.

"The most compelling idea that should inform our policy toward

Pakistan is the urgent need to keep that country's nuclear arsenal out

of the hands of the Islamist extremists," Rosen write. "That requires

some stability, which rests, inter alia, on cooperation between a

strong military and a strong executive branch… Pakistan must

immediately cope with the dangers emanating from the Islamist uprising

and continued pressure from all NATO countries to subdue the Taliban

and Al Qaeda in the historically independent Pashtun areas along the

mountainous border with Afghanistan."